

74 

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, 



Chap. JF 

Shelf , (kl.&S 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 




in 

A I) 1) R E S S 



1'i.iiui.in Bl i ! i mi. 



I N II IB I TAN T S OF G R A I" T N, 



l'l RST CENTENNIAL \ \ \ I \ BRSA RY 



OP 'in \ r TOW N . 



A P It II. 19, I n J 5. 



Bl WILLIAM BRIGHAM 



BOSTOIS 

IT ii F. is II BO Bl M <. ii t A HORTOIf. 

I 836. 



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A 1) J) R i; S s . 



Ths occasion which has brought as together is one of no 
ordinary interest A century has now closed since this town 
u;is vested with the rights and privileges of a municipal 
corporation; b period interesting to as nol only because it 
forms :ni era in the history of the town, but because it is 
oiled with momentous events, which have inscribed on every- 
thing about iiv in letters too legible to be mistaken, the 
and universal law of change. During this period, three 
generations have lived and passed away. Tin- places which 
knew them, know them no more. Bui their works remain, 
;iiul «m which M"l«' soever we turn, presenl us with memorials 
<>t" their Industry, patriotism and \ Irtue. w ith these genera- 
tions, the presenl is connected by I >• 'iuN stronger than those 
of consanguinity. We owe them a debt of gratitude; and 
we would acknowledge our obligations by cherishing their 
virtues, and by sustaining and improving the inheritance 
they have lefl us. Wlnt more fitting occasion than the 
it day affords, could the people >>\ this town have, for 
showing their respect for thru- ancestors, and learning tin- 
lessons winch their history inculcates ! W hen do reflet tions 
connected with their history crowd so thickly on the mind 1 
\\ hen do we feel so strong, and such an almost irresistible 
impulse t<> turn from th<- present, and call up to view scenes 
over winch tunc has thrown ;i veil I There is but one sub- 
led appropriate to the occasion ; and that is — a consideration 



of some of the events connected with the history of this town. 
To this subject, then, I would invite your attention. 

This town is a portion of a large territory, formerly called 
the Nipmuck country. The limits of this country were not 
very well defined, but probably included all the southern part 
of the county of Worcester, a few of the adjoining towns in 
the state of Connecticut, and westward to the Connecticut 
river. Like most of New England when first visited by the 
English, its population was very sparse. It had been wasted 
away by pestilence, or by the fatal incursions of the fierce 
and warlike Maquas. Its inhabitants possessed a milder and 
less warlike character than most of the neighboring tribes, 
and were accordingly brought into subjection to them. 
What was the nature of this subjection, or in what relation 
they stood to these tribes, it is now difficult to state with 
much accuracy. It is known, however, that they paid them 
tribute ; and perhaps this, in time of peace, was the only 
acknowledgement of servitude required. The first mention 
made of this country is by Gov. Winthrop, who, with a 
number of others, made an excursion up Charles river in 
January, 1632. After they had gone up about fifteen miles, 
he says, they ascended a very high rock,* ' where they might 
see all over Neipnett, and a very high hill due west.' No 
white man probably ever set foot on its soil till the autumn 
of 1635, when it was traversed by a company of English,! 
consisting of sixty persons, who, thinking themselves strait- 
ened for land about Massachusetts Bay, had determined thus 
early to emigrate to the more fertile banks of the Connecticut. 
What portion of the Nipmuck country they crossed, is not 
known ; but as their destined point was at Wethersfield, is it 
improbable that they crossed this town, and that here, two 
hundred years ago, that small company of emigrants, under 
the broad canopy of heaven, invoked the blessing of God on 
their arduous enterprize? 

No other notice is taken of the Nipmucks or their country, 
until the benevolent project of converting the Indians to 



Winthrop's Journal, p. G'J. t Ibid. p. 171. 



Christianity waa undertaken. Thia was in 1646. Strong 
ln>|irs were then entertained of its success, tmong those 
who were willing to devote their time, wealth and talents to 
this cause, none were more conspicuous than John Kh«»t. 
known in his own day as the apostle to the Indians. He 
commenced hia benevolent labors among tli«' Indians al Na- 
tick, with whom the Nipmucka had a friendly and constant 
intercourse, and l>y that means they were probably firel m- 
duced i" attend ln^ preaching. In an account of In^- su< 
written to the Corporation of London in 1649, hi says, 'thai 
b \ pnel sachem hath submitted himself t" the Lord, and 
much desires one of our chief ones to live with him and 
those thai are with him.'* In another account,! written in 
1651, he says, 'there l y lying between Con- 

cott and the Massachusetts, cal IN t, when then be 
many Indians dispersed, manj <■! whom have senl t" < »i i r 
I ii'_ r thai Bome maybe senl unto them to teach 

them i" pray to God. 1 Soon after this, Eliol probably came 
to tins town; for in 1654, he had mel with such success, thai 

eneral < tourt, on for the use « ■ i 

the Indians. Th of this was, :i > appears from Eliot's 

on, to prevent any conflicting claims between the 

and to presen e i<> ili<' latter the quiel and 
menl of land ! tin ir fa 

had ; ' men rial, bul over \\ hich t h«- Btate 

F me, for a number <>f \ i are; 

frequently \ isited this town, and made such progn 

- thai in l ,- >r I he foi m< d an Indian 
church here, the second of the kind in Massachus* l 

No Indian town gave stronger as - of success tl an 

this, at that time. Hassaname l was then called 

become the central point <'i" civilization and Christianity t<> 
the \\ hole Nipmuck country. \ school was here established, 
where the Bible was read and d m th<- Indian lan- 



" The Light appearing mete ami n I perfect Day, A p. 89 

I Strength ant of Weeklies*, a A 

1* 



guage. Young men were there educated, and sent into the 
neighboring towns to preach the gospel. A regular government 
was created, and the forms of law strictly observed. The 
population of the town was small, yet by reason of their con- 
stant intercourse with their neighbors, a large number of the 
natives enjoyed the benefits of this school, and before the 
year 1674, seven new towns of ' praying Indians,' as they 
were termed, were formed in this neighborhood, most of 
which were furnished with teachers from this place. The 
chief ruler of the whole Nipmuck country, Wattascompanum, 
had his residence here, and from this place issued his orders 
and decrees to his subjects. A writer of that day calls him 
' a grave and pious man,' and from some examples given of 
the exercise of his authority, there is no doubt that he admin- 
istered his government with efficiency, if not with liberality. 

In 1674, Eliot, with another devoted friend to the Indians, 
Maj. Daniel Gookin, again visited all the 'praying Indians' 
of the Nipmuck country, the latter of whom wrote an account 
of them. He describes this town with much greater particu- 
larity than Hubbard, who called it ' a place up into the 
woods beyond Medfield and Mendon.' Gookin says,* ' the 
name, Hassanamesitt, signiheth a place of small stones. It 
lieth about thirty-eight miles from Boston, west southerly, 
and is about two miles eastward of Nipmuck river. f and near 
unto the old road way to Connecticut. It hath not above 
twelve families; and so according to our computation, about 
sixty souls : but is capable to receive some hundreds, as gen- 
erally the other villages are, if it shall please God to multiply 
tiiri u. The dimensions of this town is four miles square, 
and so about eight thousand acres of land. This village is 
not inferior unto any of the Indian plantations for rich land 
and plenty of meadow, being well tempered and watered. 
It produceth plenty of corn, grain and fruit : lor there are 
several good orchards in this place. It is an apt place for 
keeping of cattle and swine: in which respect this people are 
the best stored of any Indian town of their size. Their ruler 

* Hist. Coll. vol. i. t Blackstone river. 



is Batted Anaweakin; ;i lobei and Aiscreel man. Their 
teacher 1 ! Dame is Tackuppawillin, his brother; :i piom and 
al.ir 1 1 1 : l 1 1 . and apt i" teach. Theii aged father, whose 
name 1 remember not, is a grove and sober Christian, and 
deaeoa of the churcn. They have a brother, thai livea in 
tkc town, called James, thai was bred among the English, 
and employed aa a pressman in printing the Indian Bible, 
win. < ,tn read well, and as I take it write also. The father, 
mother, brothers and their wives, are all reputed pioua per- 
sona Here 1 1 1 « ■ \" have 8 meeting house for the worship ol 
God after the English fashion >>\ building, and two or three 
other houses after the same mode, bul they fancy not greatly 
to live in them. Theii way of living is by husbandry, and 
keeping cattle and swim' : wherein they »l<» :>s well or rather 
better than any other Indians, but are yel vet] far short of 
the Elnglish both in diligence and providence. There are in 
full communion in the church and living in town aboul six- 
teen men and women, and aboul thirtj baptized persons; 
I >iit there are Beveral others, members of this church, thai live 
in other places. This is a hopeful plantation.' 

r m this account, it appears thai these Indians had made 
L'pMt progress in civilization ; bu1 the strong hopes entertained 
by their constant and ardenl friends, Eliol and Gookin, were 
never realized. Tins was a period of their greatest pros- 
perity, and the prospects, qow so brighl and bo cheering to 
the heart of the philanthropist, were soon to be darkened. \ 
reverse of fortune was t" i< >! 1< «w. and the gloomy tidings 

rtsion from the true faith, were soon t" succeed the jo) ful 
news "i the anticipated success of tins benevolenl ent< 
In the following year, the war with Philip commenced. \t 
first, tlu^ appeared t" !"• * • < » 1 1 1 "i i » « • « 1 t<> Ins own tribe, bul il 
after extended t<> other tribes, and at length united mosl "i* 
the Indians <>t' New England in a war of extermination with 
the English. The prophetic eye of Philip had seen thai tin- 
extension of the power "i tli«' English would !"• fatal t" tli«- 
nil men: he knew the advantages thai civilization and the 
arts would afford them, and was sensible thai unless Bome 
check ren to their \ the Lid I soon be 



8 

driven from the land of their fathers. His apprehensions 
were well founded, and the bloody contest he waged, only 
hastened the period when the power of the red man ceased 
to be felt, and his name to be feared. 

At the commencement of hostilities, no fears were enter- 
tained of the Christian Indians ; and accordingly, a company 
of them, consisting of fifty-two soldiers, was raised and 
marched, under the command of Capt. Isaac Johnson, to 
Mount Hope, July 6, 1675. A part of this company was 
taken from this town. While in the service, it is said they 
conducted faithfully ; and in one instance, had their counsel 
been followed, there is a probability that Philip would not 
then have escaped from his country. The first symptoms of 
disaffection among the Nipmucks, appeared in the massacre 
at Mendon, a few days subsequent to Philip's escape ; and 
as he was probably among them about that time, there is no 
doubt it was done at his suggestion. Immediately after this, 
Edward Hutchinson was appointed a commissioner to treat 
with the Nipmucks, who, under the escort of Capt. W heeler 
and twenty-five men, marched through their country, as far 
as Brookfield, where they were attacked by the Indians, and 
seven of them killed. The remainder soon returned without 
accomplishing the object of their mission. 

After this, much of the confidence heretofore reposed in 
the Christian Indians was lost. Doubts of their fidelity were 
constantly increasing. One after another favored the cause 
of Philip, and openly avowed his hostility to the English. 
In the latter part of August, the Council, judging it necessary 
both for the safety of the English and the Indians in amity 
with them, to restrain their intercourse with the enemy, 
ordered that all the friendly Indians of the Nipmuck country 
should be confined at Hassanamesitt, where they were direct- 
ed to build their wigwams in as compact a maimer as possi- 
ble, and in a way best adapted to their own defence. 
They were not permitted to travel more than one mile 
from their wigwams, except in company with an English- 
man, and if they were found beyond these limits they 
were liable to be regarded as enemies to the English, 



and punished accordingly. They were further directed to 
entertain bo strange Indians, noi i" receive any portion of 
their plunder, bul on all occasions to make known to the 
English appointed n> reside among them, the designs of the 
enemy, as they came to their knowledge. T this order 

still greater i n was authorized to imprison 

or to Kill any Indian found travelling abroad contrary to its 
proi isions. 

The Indians of the neighboring towns having been gather- 
ed .it Hassanamesitt, h was thoughl expedient to deprive th<* 
enemy of the means of sustenance, which their deserted corn- 
fields would afford the ensuing winter. Accordingly, about 
the first of September, Capt Gorham with one hundred men, 
was srni into the Nipmuck country for tins purpose. He 
was directed to destroy the corn of the enemy, and preserve 
ih.it of the friendly Indians. Tins order he disregarded and 
by laying waste the cornfields of both indiscriminately, he 
no doubt did much to produce the alienation, which won 
after appeared among s great majority of the Indians at Has- 

Sanannsitl.* 

About the beginning ol November, intelligence was rec< 
from two Indian spies, James Speen and Job Kattenenatt, 
then residents at Hassanamesitt, that about three hundred of 
the enemy had been there, and persuaded or compelled up- 
wards of two hundred of the Christian Indians to go away 
and join them in their war against tli«' English. There is no 
doubt tli;it many of them went away willingly, when it was 
found necessary to take a stand, and openly avow tln'ir 
friendship or enmity. The alternative was presented them : 
neutrality could no longer be permitted ; and to one or the 
other of tin- contending parties, they must look foi protection. 
They knew not the issue of tli<- contest ; tiny had felt the 
power of the English; they beheld their encroachments on 
their land; some of them had been falsely accused and im- 
prisoned : and their friends had been put to death <»r sold into 
slavery. Under these circumstances, protection from tin 4 

• Gookin i M.S. Mist, fraying Indians. 



10 

English was doubtful, and we cannot wonder that they 
should have preferred to support the cause of their kindred 
and their ancient allies. Gookin has very properly remarked, 
that ' if Englishmen, and good Christians too, had been in 
their case under like temptations, possibly they might have 
done as they did.' 

Upon the receipt of this intelligence, two companies, one 
commanded by Capt. Daniel Henchman, and the other by 
Oapt. Joseph Sill, were sent to this town. Capt. Sill took 
with him five friendly Natick Indians for guides. When 
they arrived here, they saw the fires of the enemy, and soon 
fell in with seven Indians, leading an English boy whom 
they had made captive a few days before at Marlborough.* 
As soon as they perceived the English, they fled, and left the 
captive boy behind, who subsequently was restored in safety 
to his friends. None other of the enemy being found here, 
the two companies marched to Packachoage,f hoping to find 
the enemy there. Upon their approach the Indians fled, and 
the English took lodgings in their wigwams, which they said 
afforded them ' good shelter.' They here found upwards of 
one hundred bushels of corn lately gathered, besides a large 
quantity still standing in the fields. The next morning, hav- 
ing sea relied for the enemy in vain, they returned. On their 
way, an incident occurred, which is thus related by Gookin. 
He says, ' that when they had gone about two miles, Capt. 
Henchman, missing as he apprehended, his letter-case, where- 
in his writings and orders were, sent back two Englishmen 
and one of the Indian guides, on horseback, to see if it could 
be found in the wigwam where he lodged. The Indian led 
the way for these messengers, and on ascending a steep hill, 
at the top whereof stood the wigwam, as soon as ever he 
discovered it. being not above six rods distance, he saw two 
Indian enemies standing at the wigwam door, newly come 
out, and four more sitting at the fire in the house. At which 
sight he hastened himself, and looking back, called earnestly, 



* Hiibbard's Narrative, p. 31. Gookin's MS. Hist. 
t Partly in Worcester and partly in Ward. 



II 

ns if many men were behind coining up the lull. t<» hasten 
away and encompass the enemy. Oi i the enemy there- 
upon presented Ins gun at <>nr Indian, but the gun mi 

probably the moisl rainy weather had put it out of < 
ih.\ all came out and ran away as fast a- they could, sus- 
pecting that the English forces were at hand. Thomas and 
Ins comrades, having tlms prudently scared away the runny, 
thoughl n seasonable also t" ride back again as fast as they 

could, to their company ; and indeed there was g I reason 

for it : because Thomas, the Indian, had only a pistol : one of 
the Englishmen, a young man, had n«> gun ; ami the third 
had a gun, but the flint was lost ; so that they were in ill 

to defend themselves, or offend the enemy. Thi 
back sal.-, mid their captain in the interim, searching dili- 

v. had found Ins letter-case. 1 
The two companies then separated ; and in a few days 
after, Capt Henchman with a small party, mad.- an attack 

m the night upon s e Indians m tins town, while in their 

wigwam. 4 He supposed their number t" have been aboul 
forty. They foughl with desperation, and killed two "i Ins 
men, a private and Ins lieutenant The night being dark, it 

impossible t" tell what injury was done the enemy \> t 
he expn ss< a an opinion thai several < <\ them were killed, and 
supposes thai their bodies were carried away and se 
by their friends. < 'n tin- following morning he discovered 
thr heads <»t Ins two men, who had fallen in the attack, 
placed on crotched poles before thr wigwam, and facing 
other. 

During the remainder <»i Philip's war. hut little notice is 
taken <>( the Indians of tins town. Some remained firm 
friends <»t tin' English through the whole <>t tins desperate 
struggle. Others joined tin- enemj i"i a while, and then be- 
came again reconciled t" tin' English, and lm\< them valua- 
ble information of the designs and operations of Philip. Others 
w. re afterwards taken i i l.- 1 1 1 1 n u r with tin- enemy, and were 

* <. Hubbard'* Narrative, p. 



12 

punished accordingly. Among these, was Wattascompanum, 
the chief ruler of the Nipmucks, through whose influence 
many of the Christian Indians were induced to join the 
enemy. He was taken, and executed at Boston in the fol- 
lowing June. Others, at the close of the Avar, fled to the 
Indians at Canada ; and from their knowledge of the country, 
afforded them great aid in their subsequent wars with the 
English. The whole settlement, which but two years before 
was so full of promise, was now broken up and deserted. 

A number of years elapsed after the war, before the few 
remaining proprietors of Hassanamesitt returned to make it a 
permanent residence. Most of them lived with the Natick 
Indians, and came here occasionally only, for the purpose of 
planting corn and making cider. In 1698, five families* had 
returned, and among these was James Printer, who was dis- 
tinguished for his agency in printing the Indian Bible, as 
well as for his great intelligence and stern integrity. To 
these families he acted as teacher, and Undoubtedly was a 
very efficient and useful one. This number probably re- 
mained about the same until the town was sold to the 
English. f Their connection with the Natick Indians was 
intimate, and their intercourse frequent. They no longer 
had a church or a regular school ; yet from their constant 
communication with the English, they made some progress 
in civilization, and were enabled to acquire a livelihood by 
the cultivation of the soil. In the subsequent wars with the 
Eastern Indians in 1722 and 1725, two or three of them en- 
listed, and did the English an essential sertice. 

In 1681, the General Court appointed commissioners to 
examine the claims of the several Indians to the Nipmuck 
country. They reported that they found them litigious 
among themselves, and willing to claim the whole. They 
thought, however, that for a reasonable sum their several 
claims could be extinguished. And subsequently, the same 
commissioners, having been authorized to treat with them 

* Report of Commissioners, Hist. Coll. vol. x. t See Appendix, B. 



|8 

f.ir that purpose, purchased a large ira.t <.f land south of tin 1 
Blacks tone river, ;il>i>ut fifty miles long and twenty wid< 
the mini of fifty pounds, and > coal ' The deeds of convey* 
brty-nine persons. 
The Indians remained the sole proprietors <>i' tins town 
until 1718, when Elisha Johnson was permitted to purcl 
a tract "i land, on condition thai he would imiM and support 
a brid h branch of the Blackstone river. These 
bridges were built and supported by him until I7:i7. when 
they were assumed by the proprietors, and afterwards by the 
town, and he was discharged from his obligation. Other 
persons, from time to time, were permitted i" purchase land ; 
so thai in If 28, nine English families had already Bettled 
here. \ road was laid across the town to Sutton in 1723. 
A purchase of the entire town was nol attempted till ' 
1724 when a number of persons, principally inhabitants of 
Marlborough, Sudbury, C tord and Stow, presented a peti- 
tion t" the General Courl for thai purpose. This petition 
was referred to a committee, who wire instructed to repair 
to tins town, consul 1 the Indians, ami ascertain the value of 
the land. They afterwards reported that the Indians were 
willing to Bell all such lands as they did not cultivate, and 
thai they thought the place ' capable of being made a small 
town or villag N - further action was had on tins petition 
until the following December session, when the Hou 
Representatives granted the prayer of the petitioners with 
certain restrictions. The Council, thinking thai the price 
required to be given for the purchase was insufficient, refused 
to concur. In the following May, the petition* rs again appear- 
< I before the Geueral Court. They se( forth the importance 
of making an English settlement I ■ advantage to the 

Indians in having preaching and d expressed a 

hope, thai ' they and the Indian proprietors might in pr 
of time become a small town, and I"- in ty to support 

pel minister. 1 Another committee of review wa 
ted, who subsequently reported thai they had carefully 
examined the town, and estimated its vain.- at £2500, w th 
nons proposed They said, that 'one half of thu 



14 

land is good, but very stony ; and the other half pitch pine 
and shrub plain.' This report was accepted ; and in Decem- 
ber 1727, the petitioners had leave to purchase the lands 
under the following restrictions. They were to pay to trus- 
tees, for the use of the Indians, the sum of £2500 ; ' to make 
a settlement in the town of forty English families, either 
themselves or children ; each of whom should build a good 
habitable house, and break up and fence at least four acres 
of land within three years ; to build and finish a decent 
meetinghouse for the reception of both English and Indians; 
to separate twenty acres of land for the school forever ; and 
build and finish a suitable schoolhouse, in which should 
be received and taught the Indian as well as English chil- 
dren ; to maintain and support a minister and schoolmaster 
among them, and all without charge to the Indians.' Each 
of the Indians was to have an equal division of the land 
with the other proprietors, and also one hundred acres, to be 
appropriated to them and their heirs forever. 

This proposition was accepted by the petitioners, who, to 
the number of forty, purchased the town on the 19th of 
March, 172S. The deed of conveyance was signed by eight 
persons,* each of whom performed this act by making his 
mark. A meeting of the proprietors was soon after called, 
and measures adopted for laying out the land and making 
settlements. The first division was into eighty lots of upland, 
of forty acres each, making proper allowance for quality. 
To these was added an equal number of lots of meadow, and 
the whole were then drawn for by the proprietors. In the 
following November, a second division was made of thirty 
acres to each. During this year, a number of settlements 
were made, consisting principally of the children of the pro- 
prietors : the common -was laid out; the meetinghouse con- 
tracted for, and a site for a mill agreed upon. Another 
division of Land was made a few years after; but it was not 
all appropriated till about twenty-five years ago. 



See Appendix, C. 



I.-, 

Th'- course pursued by the proprietors shows thai they 
held theii land, particularly the low swamp land, al a most 
extravagant estimate. Tiny were continually haunted with 
fears, thai they should not have land enough; and that the 
time would soon come, when no more could be obtained. It 
w;iv therefore, an object with all i" get as much within their 
grasp as possible; ;tn<i he who had the most meadow <>r 
swamp laml, thought h<- had me best farm, and gloried in 
the idea thai he should !"• able to leave so valuable an in- 
heritance i" Ins children. Nor did they place a less value 
on their wood. The very first year "i the settlement, when 
the place was comparatively a wilden tnmittee was 

appointed to prevent the cutting of wood and timber on the 
common lands, as though their value would thereby be 
diminished, or tin- interests of the proprietors injured ' 

The meetinghouse was built in 17.:". and the schoolhouM 
in the following year. Settlements continued t<» incn 
and the marks <>f industry and civilization t<> become more 
apparent. Tin- proprietors, and the other English families, 
acted in concerl in support <>i the ministry and school. No 
action was had t" obtain tin- privileges of a township till 
1734, when ;> committee was chosen to prepare and present 
a petition to the General Court for that purpose. Tins peti- 
tion was signed by ;ill but two or three of the inhabitants "l 
the place, and was presented on the l">th <>i April in tin*. 
following year. It does not appear that the petitioners 
selected the name <>t the town. Tiny asked merely for town 
privileges, and were willing t>> leave bo unimportant a matter 
as ;i name t<- the General Court ' >n tin- same day thai the 
petition was presented, permission was granted t" bring in a 
lull, which passed its several readings in the House of Repre- 
sentatives, and was sent ti» tin- Council. It s<>un passed that 
body, and mi the l^th of ipril, O. S., • is signed by 
Gov. Belcher, in presence <>i both branches of the General 
( 'iuirt. 

We now come t<> the period when this place became a 
town under its present name. Tin- act of incorporation put 
the inhabitants under tin: same obligations i" support school- 



16 

ing and preaching free of charge to the Indians, as the origi- 
nal proprietors had been. No transfer of property, however, 
was made by the proprietors to the town till four years after, 
when they conveyed all their interest in the roads, bridges, 
common, &c, on condition that the town would discharge 
them from their obligations to the trustees for the Indians. 
This they agreed to do ; but by some unaccountable neglect, 
no bond was given for that purpose till 1773. 

From this time nothing of peculiar importance occurred in 
the civil history of the town for a number of years. It con- 
tinued gradually to increase in wealth and population. The 
enterprising character of its inhabitants, united with an un- 
tiring industry, soon erected for them convenient dwellings, 
and brought into view on every side cultivated fields. Each 
one enjoyed to the fullest extent the benefit of his labors, 
and seemed almost to realize his fondest hope — that of being 
the owner of a large and well cultivated farm. The people 
were no longer contented merely with the necessaries, but 
began to seek for the luxuries of life. The log hut disap- 
peared ; and the spacious fire-place, and the almost fathom- 
less oven, were found in every man's habitation. 

This state of prosperity continued till the beginning of the 
French war. The sufferings and privations endured in this 
war seem to have been forgotten in the brilliant results of the 
Revolution. The honor due to the men who then made 
every sacrifice to maintain our country's rights, has never 
been awarded. We have been accustomed to bestow it all 
on those who were the more immediate agents in obtain- 
ing our independence, and have not remembered that the 
French war was the school in which the heroes of the Revo- 
lution were educated; and that without the preparatory dis- 
cipline which it afforded, independence could not then have 
been obtained. We do but an act of justice when we say, 
that to no men are we more indebted for our present institu- 
tions, than to those who in that war met the enemy on the 
borders of Canada, and there suffered not only the evils inci- 
dent to long and dangerous campaigns, but all the horrors of 
Indian barbarity. No men ever possessed a more dauntless 



i; 

character, or pressed onward to the contest with a more 
patriotic ardor. 

America was the prize for which i h<- two European 

powers w< re contending, and the principal battle ground was 
on <>iir northern frontii T the people "i New England it 
was n< >t a war of conquest, but of self-preservation ; and in 
onl. i to protect their homes ami firesides, they were com- 
pelled to go into ili«' wilderness of the north, and resist the 
enemy iu every step of his pi In tins war. Massa- 

chusetts took a conspicuous part : and al different times, had 
in th-' services large proportion of her able-bodied m< 
whom no portion of the state furnished ;i greater number 

ling i" us population, than the county of Worc< 
During tin- whole of this war. and in every campaign in 
.New England, several of the inhabitants of this town were 
,ii the service. When the news of the approach of 

M in y on Fort William Henry arrived, a company was 
immediately raised here for its relief. Thirty-six of this 
company belonged to tins town, ami tin' remainder principally 
>i pton. The) were commanded by Capt. James Whipple, 
ami marched on the 16th of August, 1757; but previous to 
tins time, that fort had surrendered, and many <>i our coun- 
trymen had fallen victims to the cruelty and treachery of the 
enemy. In the following year, twenty-three more were in 
the service; and m 1759, nineteen were engaged in the West- 
ward Expedition, and in tl ne for tl on of Canada 

under General Vmherst, The whole number of persoi 
longing to tins town, who dud in tin- war. either from di 
or were killed in battle, from 1763 to 1762, was eighty, 41 and 
this, too, out of a population thai did not « xceed seven hun- 
dred and fifty ! Seldom do the calamities of war fall so 
heavily as this ; and still more seldom an- soldiers compelled 
to Buffer the hardships which those engaged in tins war en- 
dured. They suffered not merely the fatigue of long and 
tedious marches, and tin- attacks ol ;i treacherous ami si 



:<Jil, D. 



18 

enemy, but the pangs of hunger : and were often compelled 
to eat the most loathsome food to preserve an existence.* 
The story of their sufferings and fortitude, if it were all told, 
would overtax human credulity. It cannot be fully de- 
scribed. They traversed the wilderness of Vermont, pene- 
trated the wilds of Oswego, drove back the enemy from 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and carried the war even to 
the heights of Quebec, and there expelled him from his last 
strong citadel. Would you form any just conception of the 
arduous character of these enterprises 1 Go back in imagina- 
tion to the period when they were undertaken. Stand upon 
the banks of Lakes George and Champlain, and view the 
principal battle fields ; examine the spot where Fort William 
Henry stood ; travel over the Plains of Abraham ; perceive 
the obstacles to be overcome, the enemy to be met, and the 
dangers to be encountered ; and you will be able to form 
some idea of the courage and fortitude which they required. 
To you, as well as to the country, these battle fields are con- 
secrated ground; for they contain within their bosom the 
dust, not only of patriots and soldiers, but of your own towns- 
men and kindred. 

Some will undoubtedly be surprised to learn that negro 
slavery, now justly regarded with so much odium, ever ex- 
isted in this town. Yet such is the fact. At what time 
slaves were first brought here is not known ; but in 1756, six 
of the eighty-eight slaves, of sixteen years of age and up- 
wards, then belonging to the county of Worcester, were 
owned by persons resident here. As this was the period 
when slaves were the most numerous in Massachusetts, it is 
probable that this number did not afterwards increase. Two 
or three of these slaves went into the service in the French 
war ; and one of them acted as trumpeter, in which art he is 
said to have excelled. 

After the close of the French war, another period of pros- 
perity followed. This town, like the rest of New England, 



See Appendix, E. 



gradually recovered from ih<- shock it then i. i nadsi 

was conquered, and peace was established. The ara which 
had so long been entertained from that quarter ceased to be 
fell : and the whole people appeared t<> enjoy a security that 
they had never before realized. Their attention v 
turned t<» the cultivation <>t the soil, and the developement <>t' 
their own resources. Agriculture increased; manufactures 
received a new impulse; and commerce again revived. But 
in thi> period of repose, they did noi forget the art of war. 
The new race of soldiers, then growing uj>. imbibed the mili- 
tary spirit, which constant war had so 1 < > n •_' cherished. This 
was but ;ui armistice, during which the people recoi I 
from former losses and misfortunes, and made preparations 
for the emergency, soon t" arrive, when they were to meet in 
deadly conflict with th«»>-<-. whom before tiny had called 
upon for aid and protection. 

The course pursued by the British government t<>v. 
the colonies, produced a Btrong and universal feeling ol dis- 
content ; and the early and manly resistance <>i the people of 
Boston i" m, met with the approbation ol the people 

throughout the l'i"\ ince. In the great contest, « hich severed 
tln.s country from the British dominions, the people <>i this 
town were not idl< tors, but felt in il a Btrong and deep 

interest The losses and sufferings endured in the French 
war were still fresh in their memories ; yel this <h<l oot 
t<> abate their spirit, but made them more tenacious of their 
rights, and caused them t<> place a higher value on their 
privilegi \ letter having ed from the Commit- 

tee of Correspondence in Boston, requesting an expression of 
opinion, a meeting of this town was called Feb, I. 17< 
which it was unanimously resolved, that they would defend 
their rights at all hazards; that they would n<>i suffer their 
property to be taken from them in an unconstitutional man- 
ner, and that they were ready t<> 1 1 with tl" ir breth- 
ren ni Boston and other places, in any measures to obtain a 
redress of grievances. In the following year, i 1 more 
conclusive proofs "i patriotic devotion than mere rcsolu- 
They purchased gunpowder, bullets, and other muni- 



20 

tions of war. A field piece was obtained ; and other prepara- 
tions were made in anticipation of the struggle soon to follow. 
During the same year, the collectors of taxes were directed 
to pay none of their receipts into the Province treasury, and 
the assessors were indemnified for refusing to assess the 
Province tax. Measures were taken to promote domestic 
manufactures, and thereby remove one cause of dependence 
on Great Britain ; and also to provide clothing for any sol- 
diers that might be called into the service of the country. 
When the fated cargoes of tea arrived, the people here felt 
the common aversion to that then odious plant. A town 
meeting was called, at which it was resolved that ' any indi- 
vidual, or body of men, that shall encourage, aid or assist in 
importing or receiving such teas, while subject to a duty, 
the sole purpose of which is to raise money to appropriate to 
any sordid measure, or any use whatever contrary to our 
just rights of distributing our own property, wherewith God 
and nature hath made us free, can but be viewed as criminal 
to our country.' They also resolved ' that they would join 
their sister towns and colonies in this cause, so that they 
might be instrumental, under God, of handing down that 
liberty, which had so long been kept inviolate, and preserved 
by their ancestors.' 

About noon of the 19th of April, 1775, intelligence was 
received, that the British forces were on the march to Con- 
cord, to destroy our military stores in that place. This was 
the first call for open action, and it was readily obeyed. The 
people at once gathered to the Common, and before the setting 
of the sun, two companies, consisting of nearly one hundred 
men, were on the march to Cambridge, where they arrived on 
the following morning. These companies comprised almost 
the whole efficient male population of the town, and con- 
tained within their ranks, the youth and the man of years. 
To those of us who have never witnessed the horrors of war, 
it is hardly possible to realize even in imagination, the scene 
which their departure presented. The whole strength of the 
town went out to war, and left behind none but the young, 
the feeble and the aged. The fields were deserted — domestic 



21 

circles broken up and the places of industry abandi I. 
The beat of the drum, and tin- blast < >t" th<- trumpet, li"- 
inspiring they may have been t<> the courageous soldier, 
brought terror to the hearl of many a mother, who, ti 
sin- had bid her son <j<> <>nt and right the battles of Ins country, 
could no1 forget the dangers to \\hnh he was exposed, nor 
repress her anxious fears, 1 1 1 : • t th«' calamities <>i war would 
befall him. The scene was not yet fully developed, Inn was 
wrapt m ili«' mysteries of the future. < >n one side was vic- 
tory :m«l freedom; on the other, defeat and slavery. Some- 
times despondency became predominant ; at others, li<>[»' : but 
at all times, a patriotic ardor gave strength t<> their hands, and 
courage to their hearts; and lei come what would, they were 
determined to maintain their rights, and preserve theii inheri- 
tance unimpaired. 

Wnen these companies arrived at Cambridge, the fatal 1>1<»w 
had been struck, which eventually led to independence. 
Blood had been si n-< I in defence of \ rican liberty at Con- 
cord and Lexington; and the enemy had then retired to the 
capital. The first business ■>!' tin' American troops, which 
were then flowing in from every quarter, was to form a more 
perfect organization, and to erect fortifications. In tins em- 
ployment, they were engaged several weeks, when, n<> imme- 
diate danger from the enemy being apprehended, a large j >r< >- 
portion of them returned li"in<\ 

r • me till the close of the war. several of the 

inhabitants of tins town were constantly in tln> » Some 

of them were in almost every battle and campaign in the 
northern section of the country ; and at one time, no less than 
twenty were in the army at New York. Many «•!' them fell 
victims, either in battle, or by dis ised by suffering 

and privation. Some of the sick returned home, and sj I 
pestilence among 1 1 1 « - people. Tins w.is the case in 1776, 
when s greater mortality occurred than in any.oneyear Bince 
the settlement of the town. tli«- whole number of deaths being 
fifty-seven * Not passed, in which contributions in 

radix, T. 



22 

clothing and provisions for the army were not made, — and 
made, too, with a liberality that but few towns of the size sur- 
passed. In 1780, the grants of the town for the use of the 
army, amounted to £95,500 of the depreciated currency,* 
which, though very low at that time, made a sum, that pressed 
heavily on the people, and took from them their entire income. 

After the close of the war, when an attempt was made to 
restore to the tories the property that the government had 
confiscated, and to permit them again to return to the state, 
the people of this town instructed their representative to the 
General Court, ' not to give his assent to any act, which shall 
give the most trifling compensation or restitution to those 
who adhered to Great Britain, or to permit them ever to return 
and live in this state.' 

Among the events of the Revolution, none afford stronger 
evidence of the wisdom and patriotism of the people of Mas- 
sachusetts, than the constitution of government which they 
adopted in 1780. A period of revolution is not propitious to 
the formation of civil government, and to us it is a matter of 
surprise, that one should have been framed and ratified with 
so few imperfections. It was adopted with a degree of una- 
nimity, that could hardly have been expected. Yet like all 
other civil governments, it had its opponents, and at the pres- 
ent time, after an experience of fifty-five years, it is a matter 
of some curiosity, if not of utility, to examine their objections. 
A meeting was held in this town, June 5, 1780, for the pur- 
pose of considering the Constitution, which was taken up, ex- 
amined, and voted on, article by article. To the first article 
of the Bill of Rights, there was no objection. To the second, 
a small majority was opposed, because ' they thought their 
duty should not be included in the declaration of their rights.' 
The vote on the third article, which required all to support 
public worship, and which has lately been expunged, was 
nineteen in the affirmative, and forty-three in the negative. 
They objected to it, because ' it restricted them in the free 



* See Appendix, G* 



exercise of their religion, and might be m construed as to 
t their i conscience. 1 The twelfth article, which 

secured to the cil izens tin' right of trial by jury, was opposed 
• in ijority, I- ■ did not provide that the jurors 

should !"• chosen, as they had been heretofore, and that their 
usual number should be preserved. Sixteen voted in the 
affirmative, and twenty-seven in the negative, on the article 
relating t" the Judicial officers. They objected i<> it, because 
they thoughl they ought t<> be chosen annually, and should 
have no salary secured to them for a longer term than one 
j t BUT. 

Objections were made to other portions of 1 1 1 « - constitution, 
such as having two branches of the Legislature permitting 
sixty to constitute a quorum in the House o R tives, 

and providing for so large a number of senators and council- 

The provision, which relates to the representation in 
the popular branch of the government, received but one ap- 
The principle, which they would support as 
one of equality, was to allow rath town n> send one repre- 
sentative to the General Court, and none more than three. 
But few at the present day, even the most tenacious in favor 

corpor ould support a princip 

manifestly unequal and unjust 

should have supposed, thai the si ttlement of the civil 
•mi. -Hi. and the restoration of pea« with the 

blessings of indent ndence, would have secured to the people 
prosperity and happint i. Bui tins was n< The 

country lias hardly witnessed a darker perio I than in the 
latter days of the old Confederation. Ii was loaded with debt, 
and ii es were completely exhausted. For a time, it 

seem idence would prove a curse, rather 

than a bli 1 currency depreciati was 

paralyzed, and ]>• I i 

came po verless, and the confidence of the people in l 
my of their rulers, began to be impaired. £ d the 

spirit ot discontcnl become in the county of N\ i er, thai In 
I . ■'"> it collected and arrayed its forces in 01 to the 

government, and for a time, threatened to in ; ipera- 



24 

lions. As to the expediency or propriety of ' Shay's Rebellion/ 
the people of this town were divided ; though a majority of 
them favored his cause, and some took up arms for his sup- 
port. The instructions given to Col. Luke Drury, who rep- 
resented the town in the General Court, in the following year, 
probably express the views of the ' Shay's men,' and the 
grievances which they then felt. He was directed to use his 
utmost exertions to ' obtain a general pardon for all that aided, 
or assisted, or have taken up arms in what the Governor and 
General Court styled rebellion, and that all disqualifications 
on that account, be removed, and that all damages for un- 
just imprisonment and warrants, be made good — that the 
government troops be disbanded, and that the utmost severity 
of the law be executed on any, who shall commit murder, or 
harm or destroy any property, — that the General Court be 
removed out of Boston, to some convenient place in the coun- 
try, — that all licenses be granted by the Select men of the 
several towns ; that authority should be given them to settle 
the estates of deceased persons, — that all deeds should be re- 
corded in the town, where the land lay, — that the Court of 
Common Pleas, and the General Sessions of the Peace be 
abolished, — that manufactures in this country be encouraged, 
— and that the act suspending the writ of Habeas Corpus, be 
immediately repealed.' 

To some of these instructions, particularly those relating to 
the general pardon, and the disbanding of the troops, eighteen 
of the legal voters of the town objected, and entered their 
dissent upon the records. The prudent course pursued by 
the government in this unfortunate rebellion, soon disarmed 
the malcontents, and satisfied all, that forcible resistance to 
the constitutional authorities, was not a proper mode for ob- 
taining a redress of grievances. There remained, however, 
for a long period, some latent sparks of discontent, which, 
from time to time, became visible ; and this was, undoubtedly, 
among the chief causes, which induced a large majority of 
the people of this town, as well as of the county of Worcester, 
to vote against the adoption of the Constitution of the United 
States. The vote of this county in the Convention of 1788, 



upon this question, was seven in the affirmative, and forty- 
three in the negative. 

Tins town, liK<' tnosl of New England, has ever regarded 
the education of youth as of primary importance. \N hen it 
was laid "Mt. a trad of land was set apart for th.- support of 
a school. Tins land was sold in IT^T ami tin- proceeds 
formed a fund, which is still held i'«>r that purpose. Before 
the school was kept in one place only, and thai the 
centre <>t the town. During this year, it u ! to have 

it kept in five places; and for a number <•!' years after, there 
was but one schoolmaster, who moved about from place t>> 
place, shedding light and dispensing knowh rigc, According to 
the wants ami convenience of all. The present system <>t" 
school districts was established in 1785; and its utilitj has 
become more apparent as the population has increased, and 
the means of education are enlarged. In 17:;'.'. the appro- 
priation for the school was £40, <»I<1 tenor. Th -. when 
compared with the appropriation of the present year,* ap- 
; • i a small sum. 15m when we consider that all th 

the school, except for th< "i the instructor, 

were caul by contribution, we shall sec that even so small ;t 
sum as tins would do much towards promoting n knou 
<>f • reading, writing and cyphering osl the only 

branches of education that the wis ue of the day 

taught 

The support of the ministry ■• rded as of paramount 

importance t" the early proprietors. To diffu •<• th< 
of Christianity, was one ol the alleged r< asons for the | urchase 
of the town ; and the course which they pursued proves that 
m this they were sincere. Iraong their first m ta was the 
lion of a spot for the meeting house, 'i intended 

to have been in the centre of the town ; but upon a survej . it 
was found thai that was an unsuitable situation, it 
the declivity "t the lull northeasterly <>i the common. Tlic 
Bpot where the old meeting house stood was accord 






26 

selected. In 1730, a preacher was engaged for several 
months ; but it was not till the following year, that one was 
settled by ordination. Previous to the selection of a candi- 
date, a day of fasting was appointed, and several ministers of 
the neighboring towns were invited to take part in the ser- 
vices, and to advise with the inhabitants a,, to the proper 
person to be selected. The choice at length fell upon Mr. 
Solomon Prentice, who at this time was a resident of Cam- 
bridge, and had graduated at that college four years before. 
He was ordained on the 29th of December, and was then 
twenty-six years of age. On the day previous to his ordina- 
tion a church was formed, consisting of twenty persons. 
The covenant to which they assented was of a highly liberal 
and catholic character. It was then used in some other Con- 
gregational churches, though it is believed not to have been 
the most common. Among the solemn obligations which it 
enjoined, was one ' to use the Holy Scriptures as their Plat- 
form, whereby they might discern the mind and will of 
Christ, and not the new found inventions of men.' 

The society lived in great harmony with each other, and 
with their minister, for a number of years. His salary was 
small ; and, like most of the ministers of that day, he was 
compelled to devote a portion of his time to agriculture, in 
order to obtain a livelihood. This he did cheerfully ; and at 
the same time, did not neglect his parochial duties. The 
first appearance of discord was in 1743; a period strongly 
marked in the ecclesiastical history of New England. This 
was about the beginning of a strong religious excitement, 
which continued a number of years, and extended throughout 
this and some of the adjoining states. A spirit was soon 
found in most of the churches and societies wholly incom- 
patible with their harmony^ A large portion of the clerical 
talent was turned into the channel of religious controversy; 
and a difference of opinion upon the doctrines of religion 
was then formed, which has continued to the present day. 
Those who advocated the new doctrines, were known by the 
name of New Lights; a name which they themselves took, 
for the purpose of indicating thereby their supposed superior 



ft 

Ireligious knowledge. Thisclaae of persons was never verf 
numerous in tins town, though tiny were encouraged i 
minister, :it whose invitation V\ I came and pres 

to his con ■ 1 !■ 'H-'ly opposed I 

majority of the people. < ►wing to this difference of rel 
sentiment, nn « :clesiastical council was convened in 17 11, 
lor the purpose of making a reconciliation. Their efforts 
were for a time succ< ssful ; but the animosity and bitterness 

igious controversy soon appeared anew, and final 
suited m the dismissal of Mr. Prentice, July 10, 17 17. 

\| i i of the objections made to Mr. Prentice, and which 
led i" a dissolution of hia connection with the society, were 
of a very trivial character. The real cause was undoubtedly 
his attachment to the doctrines of \\ hitefield and tl i 
istv though ilt*- chief ostensible one was Ins non-conformity 
with tli<- recommendation of a former council, upon 
matters of church government. To tins charge, he frankly 
acknowledged himself guilty ; and said, that he never intend- 
ed to comply with thai recommendation, for ' it was contrary 
to the light of his own conscience.' In Ins letter, addr< I 

to the ecclesiastical council, convened at the Hi >i Ins dis- 

Lksina very feeling manner oFhis services during 

teen years' ministry; of the troubles with which Ik 1 and 

Ins society were afflicted, and of his efforts to restore harmony 

ami j He i • ; n » - a hope that the society and church 

may again prosper, and entreats them ' to take prudent 
of Ins character and reputation hereafter.' 

In 1749, the church adopted as ;i rule of discipline, thr 
platform proposed by the several synods, which s;it at Cam- 
bridge in 1648, 1662 and 1679, #Jth some few exceptions, 
on-- <>f which was the requiring ruling eldera to constitute a 
church. About twenty-five years after, that platform was 
adopted without any qualification. 

The town was without a minister after Air. Prentice 1 was 
dismissed, till June 6, 1750; at which time the ordinal 
Mr. \;iron llutclniisc.il took place. His ministry continued 
twenty-two years; during ni"si of which time, he n i 
very acceptable and useful preacher. He waa reputed ;i 



28 

man of learning, and published two or three sermons,* which 
bear testimony to his talents and worth. He was graduated 
at Yale College in 1747, and at a subsequent period received 
degrees from several other literary institutions. His classical 
attainments were far above those of most of the neighboring 
clergy ; and his house became a general resort for those who 
sought a liberal education. His memory was so perfect, that 
he often said, if the New Testament were lost he could re- 
write it. In his social intercourse he was distinguished for 
his eccentricities ; and even at the present day, many anec- 
dotes are remembered and told of him. The causes which 
led to his dismissal, are not now very apparent. The disaf- 
fection probably arose from personal dislike, and not from 
anything which affected his moral character. 

In 1770, an important change took place in the singing in 
church. Previous to this, the New England version of 
Psalms and Hymns had been used. These were read, line 
by line, by one of the deacons ; another set the tune, and the 
whole congregation joined. The same mode of singing was 
practised in most of our towns ; and in them a like revolution 
took place about the same time. This venerable version, 
which had long been used as a part of the religious services 
in the New England churches, could no longer withstand the 
spirit of innovation. It was compelled to give way to the 
more appropriate version of Watts, all of which was then 
adopted except the second book of his hymns. This was 
rejected on account of its supposed unscriptural character. 
The change, however, was not made without opposition ; 
and for a time, many of the elderly part of the society could 
not be reconciled to it. To the old psalms and hymns, they 
felt a strong attachment, and with them were connected some 
of their fondest associations. They had been accustomed to 
them from their youth, and to lay them aside was like dis- 
carding an old and well tried friend. The psalmody of 
modern times, however harmonious to the ears of the young, 



See Appendix, H. 



struck no chord of unison in their hearts; ll excited no feel- 
of devotion; l»ut on the other hand, seemed like ;i profa- 
nation of the temple of the Most High. 

On the 19th of October, 1774, Mr. Daniel Grosvenor toll 
ordained in place of Mr. Hutchinson. Previous to this time, 
there had been t>ut one established religious society m town; 
though for a numl there had I" • 

era. \ 1 1 1 ■ • n ■_' t 1m — < • dissenters, was a strange and fani 

known at the 'L I rovers,' who pretended to be- 
that they v. pi from the universal law of mor- 
tality. Death soon pnl an end to their delusions, and their 
existence as a sect terminated. During 'l" s >'•"'. the 
present Baptisl society was formed, which was then composed 
of persons from tin-; and the neighboring towns. Soon after, 
th«' Shakers began to hold public meetings here, which were 
resorted i" by their friends from the vicinity. They coin 
tinned, however, as a society, but a few and were 
broken up by the removal of some of their leaders i< > < »i!i«t 
pla< • 

r Mi tins tunc till within a few years, no other religious 
w.i> formed. Mr. Grosvenor continued minis 
the Congregational society till 1787, when he was dism 
l)uriir_ r the early pari of his mil ngly 

popular, "ii account <>f the interest he manifested In 
lutionary cause. He lefl Ins pulpit, and marched with his 
musket, in the company of minute men thai went lo i 
bridge on tin- [9th of Vpril. II- i in Ins : 

ral office by Rev. John Miles, who was ordained in 1796. 
Since thai period, the changes thai hav< place in the* 

r<'h_"' mid in the ecclesiastical history of the 

town, are too familiar to ;ill to require any recapitulation. 
The present is not ;i proper time to review them. Tons. 
they arc hardly ;< matter of history ; others will give them a 
faithful and imps id we n< . 'I noi 

that they will be regarded as their importance demands. 

In the remarks which I i made, some of the more 

important subjects connected with the history of tins town 

have been adverted to. Time would permit nothing more. 



30 

We have seen that most of them have not an exclusively 
local character, but are connected with the great events in 
the history of the whole country ; and in order duly to esti- 
mate their importance, we must go beyond this limited circle, 
and inquire into the causes which have produced, during the 
last two centuries, so wonderful a change in our country, 
and given it in its infancy the strength of maturity. The 
efforts made here to convert the Indians to Christianity were 
connected with the benevolent projects of the age. The first 
settlement of the town was but another step in the progress 
of civilization — another flowing of the tide, which has been 
continually pressing onward, and driving back the original 
proprietors of the soil. The patriotic spirit evinced here 
during the French and Revolutionary wars, was the same 
spirit that pervaded the whole of New England. And the 
greatest honor that this or any other town can have from these 
events, is in the generous support it has given to all the 
measures which have created and sustained the free and 
prosperous institutions it is our fortune to enjoy. 

In reviewing the past, nothing strikes us so forcibly as the 
change which has taken place since this town was first 
known to the English. We have seen that Eliot, nearly two 
hundred years ago, came here, and first preached the gospel 
to the Indians. That race, then free and conscious of their 
rightful possession of the soil, had no suspicion that the day 
of their extinction was so near at hand ;— tb.at their council 
fires would so soon cease to burn ; — that the forests through 
which they roamed would disappear, and that their hunting 
and fishing places would be occupied by the habitations and 
improvements of the white man. The land of their fathers 
they fondly hoped to leave an inheritance to their children. 
The groves that had sheltered them from the burning sun 
and the driving storm, they thought would remain forever. 
The birds that made every tree vocal with their harmony, 
they believed would never cease their song. But in these 
anticipations they were mistaken. Two centuries have 
passed — and they have vanished. 



31 

The first lettlers of this country had bui :i fainl conception 
of n-> future - : and Inn few, probabl . 

tained the idea thai it would so soon, ii 
from tin 1 mother state. They made no calculations foi i 
growth s <> rapid, n«>r for changes ><> unprecedented. The 
improvements in th< and arts formed no items 

in their estimate. They expected that settlements would l»< v 
extended, and thai population would increase, yet the] never 
dreamed, that within two centuries thirty n millions <>i people 
would be scattered over this extensive country, and all live 
too, under one government They knew comparatively noth- 
ing of the resources ol the country, its fertile soil, its in- 
valuable mines, and its mighty rivers. The] had other 
<>l>i«vts in view <>i infinitely greater importance. They <lul 
ii"t come here dazzled with the prospect <>i a boundless coun- 
try, or with the hope <>i being tin- founders of a n 
empire. Their highesl ambition and fondesl hopes were in 
the establishment <'i a i'i rnment, and in securii 

themselves and their children the full enjoyment of their 
religion. It was with this design that they left their bomes 
and sought an inhospitable wilderness. It was iln> holy 
purpose that enabled them t<> triumph over persecution, t<> 
endure the inclement skies, to meet th elements and 

ivage foe, and finally to establish, sustain, and transmit, 
the institutions we now enjoy. 

• \\ . r.ill it holj ground, 
The -"ii >\ here tir-t thej trod ! 
The) hare left unstained what there Ihej found — 
Freedom to wonthip < kxL. 1 

\n incorrect estimate of the fnture growth of the country 
is apparent in every period <>t our history ; and it is doubtful 
now whether any of us can form jusl conceptions <>f its des- 
tined greatnesa When the count] "i Worcester was incor- 

i. in 1731, doubts were expn >sed whether it coul I 
support a sufficient population to authorize the establishment 
ol a < lounty < '"iiri. \>> one then imagined that it would 
contain one seventh part of tin' whole population of the 



32 

or that beautiful villages, distinguished for manufacturing 
and mechanic enterprize, would grow up on every portion of 
its extensive territory. The first English proprietors of this 
town, in their petition to the General Court for leave to pur- 
chase, represent it as ' a place capable, in process of time, 
of becoming a small town.' Had they been told, that a hun- 
dred years would hardly have elapsed before it would contain 
a population of three thousand * — that convenient dwellings 
and busy workshops would cover its hills and fill its valleys — 
that the hum of machinery would mingle with the roar of 
every waterfall — that upon the borders of that common which 
they set apart for ' a meeting house, training field, and bury- 
ing place,' three spacious and beautiful churches with tower- 
ing spires would be erected — that the waters of the Black- 
stone would be made navigable by a canal, through which 
boats laden with merchandize would come from tide waters 
even to its source — and that across the northern section of the 
town iron rails would be laid, over which would pass, with 
the rapidity of the wind, a wonderful machine, belching forth 
fire and smoke, and moving by an internal power, dragging 
in its train car after car, and load after load, and never 
tiring, — they would have regarded it as an idle tale — a dream 
of the visionary, and belonging rather to the regions of en- 
chantment than of reality. 

But reality is more than all this ; and were they to awaken 
from their repose into life again, how few of the scenes of a 
century ago would they witness ! The same beautiful hills 
and deep valleys remain ; the same springs gush from the 
earth; the same rocks rest on their eternal foundations; the 
same sun sheds light and heat ; the same stars twinkle in the 
firmament ; the same clouds flit along the sky ; the same 
streams unite their waters and roll on to the ocean : but all 
else is changed ! The work of revolution is apparent, not 
only in government, but in manners, fashions and employ- 
ments ; in the comforts and conveniences of life, and in the 
opinions and character of the people. 



* See Appendix, I. 



33 

The character of the history of the part century cannot 
tail to excite a deep interesl in every reflecting mind N i 
was there a period so distinguish! d for events, thai have pro- 
duced such permanent on the character and condition 
of mankind. Previous to its commencement, bnl little pro- 
n made in political :ui<l religious liberty. The 
whole power and influence of Europe were on the side of 
legitimacy. A large proportion of those, who advocated the 
broad principles of human rights, had been compelled to 
Kin mi in silence at. home, or hud been driven from their 
country. It was only on tins side of the Atlantic, that these 
principles were fully sustained anil their influence felt N • I 
the colonies were then feeble, their population was scati 
ami then- influence hardly extended beyond then- own bor- 
They were not then as now. unite. I miller one com- 
mon government, ami could not Bpeak the sentiments "t a 
great ami growing nation. But they did not remain in 
silence. The voice <>r the advocates of freedom was heard 
in all the colonial assemblies. The firsl principles of govern- 
ment were there discussed, and the rights of all maintained. 

I - m schools like these, that were educated those dis- 
tinguished men. who were ever, ready to resist tyranny in 
every form ami under every guise, whether it came from a 

1 rge : it was here, that the people 

learned the first principles of free government, ami wen* 
encouraged ami strengthened in their support 

The history of our country is full of instruction: ami the 
young man. who would make himself useful to ins genera- 
tion, would do ue|| t.. learn its lessons. ||, will there per- 
ceive that the -ri.it cause of liberty has been more than once 
ned by an early and manly resistance to invasion: that 
the glorious inheritance we now enjoy was not acquired by 
supineness ami neglect, ami that n can be preserved only by 
constant care and arduous labor. He will there find more 
than Spartan valor and Roman virtue. Every pa 

adorned with some hn_'ht name, and every line bears marks 

of patriotic devotion. NN hether he read of the suflerit 

the Pilgrirj of the early - ulers m mam- 



34 

taining an existence — their trials in the Indian wars — the 
hostile aggressions of the French, and the unexampled courage 
of the colonists in repelling them — or of the patriotic spirit of 
the Revolution — he will find all full of evidence of an entire 
devotion to the cause of country. 

It is peculiarly important at the present time, that our 
history be read and studied. The season of danger is not 
yet over. We should learn from the past the true sources of 
our prosperity, and endeavor to preserve them. The tide of 
innovation is rolling onward with a fearful rapidity, and 
there is great danger that we shall lose sight of the beacon 
lights that our past history presents. The most striking 
characteristic of the present age is its revolutionary spirit ; — 
a spirit that is not satisfied with overturning governments, 
crumbling thrones to the dust, and destroying institutions 
venerable with the age of centuries — but seeks for change in 
everything — and in its work of dissolution, gathering strength 
and acquiring a rabidness, would even subvert the physical 
laws of the universe, and make them subservient to its 
eternal fluctuations. This spirit cannot be repressed ; and it 
ought not to be : for when properly directed, it is to society 
what a propitious breeze is to a well managed vessel on the 
bosom of the ocean, giving it an onward progress ; but when 
mis-directed, our institutions can no more withstand it, than 
can the trees of the mountains the blasts of the tornado. 
Instruction from the past will afford us our surest protection. 
The fathers of American liberty knew well the means by 
which it could be preserved; they laid broad its foundations, 
and watched with the most scrupulous care, and resisted 
every violation of their chartered rights. They knew the 
force of precedent, and would not tolerate a violation of their 
constitution of government, even if it produced no immediate 
injury. ' They judged of an evil in government,' as Burke 
said, ' not by the pressure of the grievance, but by the 
badness of the principle. They augured mis-government at a 
distance, and snuffed the approach of tyranny in every 
tainted breeze.' They appeared to be sensible that to a cer- 
tain extent they were forming society anew, and that what 



they did would aii.ct kite r» • can 

i «■;«.' 1 of tin- great sacrifices thai have been made, and the 
sufferings winch have been endured, to establish ami pi 
qui institutions, and not feel a stronger l"\<- for them, and a 
<lfiriiiiiii.iii.iii to make renewed efforts m their support I • 
ill'- young nun learn tin- origin of tins republic ; let them 

ive tin' toils ami troubles endured by its fonndi 
their ardent patriotism their love <>i learning their revee- 
ence for religion their fortitude m trial -theii unbending 
integrity and indomitable com tnnot bul feel 

their obligation t<> preserve the inheritance transmitted t" 
them. Their free and generous hearts will I"- warmed with 
grateful and patriotic emotions; a love of libertj will be 
cherished — an attachment t'> our institutions strengthened — 
and the republic \\ ill be preserved. 

Tin' institutions we hold not as our own, 

Imt in trust for others We have a right t<> use, but not to 
destroy them. We are bound n> transmit them not only 
unimpaired, but impro I I ir faith is pledged, ami it must 

m»t be violated. We will never be so dishonored, so unwor- 
thy <>t our trust, so ungrateful to our benefactors. 'Tin 
pledge, which our fathers gave us, was sealed with their 
The sacrifices which they made, were not for them- 
selves, bul for ns ;u!'l those who shall come after ua They 
fought the battles "i freedom, ami we must preserve the 
fruits of their victories. It was their fortune to acquire 
laurels in war; Let it I > deserve them in peace. They 

established schools, ' t" the end, 1 as they said. ' that learning 
ni:i\ imt h«' Inn nil in tin "f their fad I • t us 

h and improve tl m, t" t!i«- « ml. that liberty 

may not be buried in the . I our fathers Ours is a no 

Lrduous task. A struggle i- continuall] on : ami if 

we u "i id hi' siicci ssful, o . 

[f we are true to ourselves and t<> our country, the I" autiful 
prosper t ' v. ill con tin u< hter and 

brighter \ sions. 

What will be the character and condition of those who 
shall stand lure ami till OUT places <>\n- hundred yean lance. 



36 

we would not attempt to predict. The changes and events 
of the last century have baffled all expectation ; and can we 
hope that they will be less important in the century to 
come 1 The signs of the times indicate an onward progress ; 
the population of the country is increasing beyond all former 
precedent ; the mechanical arts are becoming more extended ; 
the means of diffusing knowledge are continually enlarging ; 
science is advancing ; and may We not hope that the moral 
and intellectual character of the people is improving 1 An 
experiment is now in operation, on the result of which de- 
pends the dearest hopes of mankind. The time is not far 
distant when our country will contain a population of one 
hundred millions, who will speak one language, read the 
same books, and, we trust, live under the same and a free 
government. The names of the patriots and philanthropists 
of former days — the founders of the republic — will then be 
held in grateful remembrance. Memorials of their worth will 
appear in the whole social system ; and though dead, yet 
will they live in the improved character and condition of 
society, possessing a power on earth that will be as lasting as 
the earth itself. He who shall then stand here, will speak 
of a prosperous country and equal laws. He will review its 
rapid increase in population, in arts, and in public improve- 
ments ; and when he perceives its immense extent, its inex- 
haustible resources, its flourishing institutions, and its happy 
government, he Avill acknowledge the debt due to former 
generations, and will feel still stronger obligations to make 
every exertion to transmit these blessings to others. But if 
these beautiful prospects are darkened — if these hopes are 
blasted — if our government is overthrown, and our country 
rent among hostile factions, — let it be through the fault of 
others, and not of us. Let our resolve be made ; and standing, 
as we do, on the verge of two centuries, let us declare it to 
he — a faithful performance of our obligations to past genera- 
tions, and our duty to the future. 



APPENDIX 



Eliot WTOta an nrrmint of the gathering Of 1 1 1 1 -= church, nml s.-iit it tn 
I i vporation of London, to be printed, at in a letter ilat<-<i 

1 ad published in the Massachusetts Historical Collections, voL 10, 

l It was probabl] Dover published. 



15. 

In 1725 the Dumber of Indian proprietors of Rassanan thirty- 

tu ii. \ i/. : < .• . Vlisco and \\ ii> ■ : \im Printer and wifi ; M ■ P 
wife ■•mi I family, seven : Andrew Abraham and family, eighi ; Peter Miick- 
amug in right of Sarah Robbins, his mother and family, threi J 
Mi-.ii and wife; Ami Printer Jr. and family, four; Abimelich David, in 
right of hi- w ife ;irn! familj three : and Pi ti r Lav* n dci 

Klll.l! G ( [ /.' '•'/.<, l<il. 12 

lii 1765 there were fourteen Indians in town. This Dumber gradually 
diminished; bul ii was Dot till about ten yean ago that the 'last of the 
Nipmucks 1 ceased to exist Thej received their year)] income from 
their fond in the month of May, al whicb time they usually bad a joyous 
1 mlii lay. Blankets, psalters and psalm books, were distributed among them, 
as well as money. In 1830 there were fourteen of s mixed Indian and 
, which -till bold some of the Indian lands, and receive the 
benefil of the small remaining fund. 



Tin 1 following are the names of the Indians who signed tin-; deed ol 
conve] .:— Vmi Printer, Indrevi Abraham, M r \ 

Printer, Jr.. Pi Muckamug and wife, CI M snd Joshua 

\ 



38 

Misco. The grantees were, James Watson, Benjamin Willard, Joseph 
Willanl, Joseph Rice, Jonathan Morse, David Harrington, Samuel Biglo, 
Samuel Stow, Zerrubabel Eager, Samuel Brigham, John Sherman, John 
Warren, Nathan Brigham, Sen., Charles Brigham, Jeremiah Barstow, 
Elizabeth Harrington, Samuel Chandler, John Hunt, Joseph Merriam, 
Eleazer Flagg, Jacob Taylor, Ebenezer Wheeler, Joseph Barrett, Benja- 
min Barrett, Samuel Hall, Simon Gates, Nath. Hapgood, Phineas Rice, 
Simon Gates, Jr., John Collier, William Rogers, William Rogers, Jr., 
Jona. Rice, Richard Taylor, John Jones, Jonas Houghton, John Davis, 
Thomas Weeks, Thomas Pratt, and Nathl. Wilder. This deed is record- 
ed with the Suffolk Deeds, lib. 42, folio 207, 



D. 

This statement is made on the authority of a very aged friend lately 
deceased, and also that of a manuscript record kept at the time by Mrs. 
Wheeler, in which the following entry is made, viz. : — ' 29th May, 1762, 
then there had died, and been killed in the war, from Oct. 1753 to the 
date hereof, of Grafton people fourscore persons.' 



E. 

One of the most arduous enterprises undertaken during the French 
war, was that of the famous Major Rogers, with his Rangers, against the 
Indian town of St. Francis. This town is situated near the St. Lawrence, 
about middle way between Montreal and Quebec, and was inhabited by a 
tribe of savages which had long been in the interest of the French, and 
had done great injury to the English. The English thought that the 
entire destruction of this town was necessary for their safety. And 
accordingly a secret expedition was planned by Major Rogers for this 
purpose. He left Crown Point Sept. 13, 1750, with two hundred men, 
and went down the Lake in boats to Missisquey bay, where it became 
necessary to leave his boats in order to avoid detection, and travel the 
remainder of the way by land. Previous to this, about fifty of his party 
had returned on account of sickness. Their boats, with most of their 
provisions, were here secreted ; and two men were left with them to give 
notice if they were discovered by the enemy. Major Rogers with his 
party had not gone far, before lie was informed by one of these men that 
the French and Indians had discovered their boats, and were probably in 
pursuit of them. The only chance of escape was in going forward in 
their expedition as fast as possible, and then returning to their Fort 
through the back country. The passage through the country was very 
difficult, as appears by the Journal of Major Rogers, which he kept at the 
time. He says — ' We marched nine days through wet sunken ground : 



id.- watSf WSS mOSt of tin- way in ar ii loot deep, it being n >|>ru • 

When we encamped at night, we had nowaj to secure ourselvea from 
id. water l"it bj cutting the bougba <>r trees, and with them erecting a 
kind «.i" hammocks. We commonlj began our march a little befori 
and continued ii nil after dark at night.' On the twt 
their departure from < 'rom n Point, at nl » >ut 8 o'clock in the • \ . uing, they 
arrived in sight of the town "i" St. Francis, Tin- part] th< 11 ■ 
142 men. M R with one or two others, left the main company 

and went to reconnoitre the town. The] found the Indiana in a high 
I'roli.- nr dance, and accordingly returned and prepared for an attack, 
wlii.-li was made on 1 1 1 « - following morning just before Minn-.. The 
whole town was burnt, and :tl'<>ui two hundred Indians were killed, and 
about twenty of their women and children taken prisoners. M 
these thej afterwards let '-<<■ The] also retook ii\<- English captivi 
<li-.-..\. red with these Indiana nearl] six bundled scalps of the English. 

Ai'i. r iln-, having ascertained that about 300 of the French and Indians 
were within four miles of them, the] hastened back through the wilder- 
ness, hy the \\n\ of ( 'hnrlestown, No. I. VII., tin n a frontier town of 
the English settlements. The] bad no provisions, i acepl a little that they 
obtained at St. Francis. They marched in a bod] about eight days; but 
thinkjng th.-y would be more likely to obtain enough to preserve an 

ce, the] Beparated into small companies, agreeing to meet again at 
Amonsook river, about 60 roilea above No. 1, where the] expected pro- 
visions would have been sent them from the Fort. \\ lul>- travelling 
through the woods, the] were compelled to eat groundnuts, and lily 

and at last, roasted their shoes and powder horns, and used them 
for food. Borne of them fell into the bands of the enemj . and w< re killed ; 

died of hunger and disease; and I »ui ,-i mere remnant of these 
courageous men returned t.« tell the tale of their Bufferings. Ebcnczer 
Wheeler, Jr., an inhabitant of tin- town, and then onl] 18 years ol 
was one of this part] : and having become bo feeble as to l><- unable i<» 
walk by reason of hunger, l"- was left b] bis companions, and died upon 
a lonehj mountain in Verm s R Journal^ /». 1 i">. 



r. 
The umber of deaths in town per annum from 1773 to 1793, 

was l"> : the largest number in an] one year, was in 1776— the whole num- 
I., r I" ing 57; and 1 1 • • - -niall.-t number was in 1793, when there was only 

lour. 

<;. 

At this tun.', a pound Of" beef 0081 thirty ■hillings of the depn 
tun euey. 



C£-; 



40 



II. 



In 1707, Mr. Hutchinson published a sermon, entitled ' Valour for the 
Truth,' which elicited a reply from Dr. Tucker of Newbury, and a con- 
troversy thereupon ensued, which at the time was much distinguished. 



The population of the town in 1764, was 763 ; in 1810, 946 ; in 1820, 
1154; in 1830, 1889; and in April, 1835, 3036. 



' 





LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



014 079 279 2 « 




